The time available to elect Kosovo’s new president is running short, while the meetings announced between the political parties have yet to begin. The Assembly must complete the process by October 6, 2026; otherwise, the country will go to new elections.
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According to the latest ruling by the Constitutional Court, the 60-day period for electing the president began on August 8, 2026, and ends on October 6, 2026. If the president is not elected within this period, the Assembly will be dissolved. In such a case, elections could be held on November 8 or 15.
Albin Kurti and Bedri Hamza, the leaders of LVV and PDK, met on Sunday. However, the parties said that the issue of the president was not discussed at that meeting.
Hamza said that the PDK was ready to talk with LVV about other issues if the draft law amending and supplementing the law on the Kosovo Specialist Chambers in The Hague was approved. He said that he had discussed this issue with Prime Minister Albin Kurti during Sunday’s meeting.
Before Monday’s session of the Assembly of Kosovo, the PDK chairman said that the election of the president had also been touched upon in the discussion, but not the names of potential candidates. “We did not get to the names and did not discuss them. If the law is passed, we are also open to other topics,” Hamza said.
Political scientist Ramadan Gjanaj believes that, despite the limited time, a political agreement cannot be ruled out. According to him, the PDK’s change of position on the election of the president is a significant development and could affect the current political configuration.
“The deadline is very tight, but it would be premature to say that an agreement is impossible. All parliamentary parties, both the majority and the opposition, must demonstrate political will. The coming days will be decisive, as after October 6 the constitutional room for maneuver will be extremely narrow,” Gjanaj told “Bota sot”.
He stressed that the key question is not only whether it is technically possible to reach an agreement within thirteen days, but also whether the parties are prepared to make the necessary compromises in order to avoid a new institutional crisis.
According to Gjanaj, the conviction of four former Kosovo Liberation Army commanders by the Specialist Chambers in The Hague has created new political space for Albin Kurti. In its latest political statement, the PDK included the defense of the four convicts and a review of the legal framework related to the Specialist Chambers. The political scientist believes that this new position could pave the way for talks between LVV and PDK.
Gjanaj recalled that, until now, the LDK had been seen as the party that could determine the election of the president. However, its demands for the formation of a stable government have made an agreement with LVV solely on the presidential election difficult, even almost impossible. According to him, the LDK would not agree to serve only as formal support without securing a broader political agreement.
In this situation, the PDK could represent another option for dialogue, particularly because it has not publicly linked possible support for the president to participation in the future government. According to the political scientist, this could make an agreement on the president possible while preserving the stability of the current governing majority.
However, Gjanaj warned that the defense of the four convicts in The Hague and a review of the law on the Specialist Chambers are expected to be important elements of any political agreement. It remains to be seen whether LVV will be willing to make the compromises demanded by the PDK. He added that, because of the short deadline and the parties’ differing demands, an agreement cannot yet be considered certain.
“The election of the president requires a large parliamentary majority and the effective participation of lawmakers in the vote. The very nature of the process makes compromise essential,” Gjanaj said.
According to him, the approaching October 6 deadline should encourage the parties to choose dialogue over confrontation. Kosovo, he said, cannot treat institutional deadlock as something normal, since recent years have shown that the absence of political agreements can drag on and obstruct the functioning of institutions.
The political scientist stressed that both possibilities remain open: reaching a compromise and failing to do so. However, the time to build an agreement is rapidly running out. A compromise can work only if it is supported by the will of all sides; if their positions remain irreconcilable to the end, the risk of a new deadlock will increase significantly.
According to Gjanaj, a nonpartisan candidate could help ease tensions and create the basis for a compromise. Such a profile would be more acceptable to parties that do not want to give the impression that they are supporting a candidate from another political party. However, he emphasized that a nonpartisan character alone is not enough to secure consensus.
“More important are credibility, experience, integrity, respect for institutions and the ability to perform the duty in the interests of all citizens. The president must be a figure who rises above the interests of one party,” he said.
Gjanaj recalled that a two-thirds majority of all lawmakers is required in the first two rounds, while in the third round the candidate must receive a majority of all lawmakers, meaning at least 61 votes. The presence of lawmakers and a parliamentary quorum are also crucial to the process. According to him, the political conditions needed to guarantee this participation are not secured, and this is precisely what has contributed to the current institutional deadlock.
The political scientist described the PDK’s new position as an opportunity that should not be ignored if the aim is to avoid new elections. He said that only a stable and implementable political agreement can guarantee the election of the president.
If the president is not elected within 60 days of the start of the procedure, the consequences will be significant institutionally and politically. Article 82 of the Constitution stipulates that, after this period expires without the election of a president, the Assembly must be dissolved.
This would push Kosovo into another electoral cycle and bring political, institutional and economic consequences, prolonging uncertainty at a time when institutions should be focused on the country’s priorities. Gjanaj also warned of the legal difficulties that could arise from exceeding constitutional deadlines and from differing interpretations of the situation.
The Constitutional Court has set October 6 as the end of the 60-day period for electing the president. In addition, the Constitution stipulates that an acting president may not exercise the office for more than six months. Gjanaj said it cannot be stated with certainty whether exceeding these deadlines would automatically interrupt institutional continuity, but it would be immature to assume that no legal problems would arise.
According to him, various political actors could refer the situation to the Constitutional Court, challenging the dissolution of the Assembly, the announcement of elections or the exercise of other presidential powers. This could open a new phase of institutional disputes in which every decision would be called into question, prolonging legal uncertainty and delaying the electoral process.
“The main risk is that the political crisis will turn into a new legal and constitutional confrontation. The October 6 deadline should not be seen merely as a procedural date, but as a moment of institutional responsibility,” Gjanaj said.
He concluded that the parties still have an opportunity to seek an agreement, but they must use the remaining time to prevent disagreements from turning into a new crisis. The challenge is not only to elect the president, but also to preserve the continuity, stability and predictability of Kosovo’s institutions after October 6.
